Change and Development in Rural Society

2.1 Core concepts

• Indian society is primarily a rural society even though urbanisation is growing; the majority of India's people live in rural areas — 69 per cent according to the 2011 Census — and they make their living from agriculture or related occupations. Agricultural land is therefore the most important productive resource for a great many Indians, and it is also the most important form of property (NCERT §intro, p. 42).
• Land is not just a "means of production" or a "form of property" — it is a way of life; many cultural practices and patterns can be traced to agrarian backgrounds, and most New Year/harvest festivals (Pongal in Tamil Nadu, Bihu in Assam, Baisakhi in Punjab, Ugadi in Karnataka) actually celebrate the main harvest season and herald a new agricultural season (NCERT §intro, p. 42).
• Rural life also supports artisans (potters, carpenters, weavers, ironsmiths, goldsmiths) and specialists (story-tellers, astrologers, priests, water-distributors, oil-pressers); their numbers have steadily lessened since the colonial period due to the influx of manufactured goods that displaced hand-made products (NCERT §intro, pp. 42–43).
• The diversity of occupations in rural India was reflected in the caste system, which in most regions included specialist and 'service' castes such as Dhobis (Dry Cleaners), Potters and Goldsmiths. Increasing interconnection of rural and urban economies has led to diverse rural non-farm employment — postal/education services, factory work, the army (NCERT §intro, p. 43).
• The term agrarian structure refers to the structure or distribution of landholding. Agricultural land is not equally distributed within a village or region — in some parts the majority own at least some land (usually very small plots), while in other areas 40–50 per cent of families do not own any land at all and are dependent on agricultural labour (NCERT §4.1, p. 44).
• In most regions, women are usually excluded from land ownership because of the prevailing patrilineal kinship system and mode of inheritance, despite the legal right to equal share of family property; in reality they have only limited rights and access only as part of a male-headed household (NCERT §4.1, p. 44).
• Access to land shapes the rural class structure: medium and large landowners earn sufficient or large incomes from cultivation (subject to agricultural prices and the monsoon); agricultural labourers are more often than not paid below the statutory minimum wage, are mostly daily-wage workers with no work for many days of the year (underemployment); tenants (cultivators who lease their land from landowners) have lower incomes than owner-cultivators because they pay rent often as high as 50 to 75 per cent of the income from the crop (NCERT §4.1, p. 44).
• Class structure is itself structured by caste — in many areas higher castes have more land and higher incomes, but Brahmins, though the highest caste, are not major landowners and so fall outside the agrarian structure although they are part of rural society (NCERT §4.1, p. 44).
• In each region there are usually one or two major landowning castes who are also numerically important; sociologist M.N. Srinivas termed such groups dominant castes — in each region the dominant caste is the most powerful group, economically and politically, and dominates local society. Examples: Jats and Rajputs of U.P., Vokkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka, Kammas and Reddis in Andhra Pradesh, Jat Sikhs in Punjab (NCERT §4.1, p. 45).
• Most marginal farmers and landless belong to lower caste groups — Scheduled Castes/Tribes (SC/STs) or Other Backward Classes (OBCs); the former 'Untouchable' or dalit castes were not allowed to own land in many regions and provided most of the agricultural labour, creating a labour force that allowed dominant landowners to cultivate intensively and earn higher returns (NCERT §4.1, p. 45).
• Box 4.1: assured-irrigation regions (rice-growing areas like Kaveri basin in Tamil Nadu) developed the most unequal agrarian structures with a large proportion of landless bonded workers belonging to the lowest castes (Kumar 1998) (NCERT Box 4.1, p. 45).
• Practices like begar (free labour) and hereditary labour ties were prevalent in northern India — members of low-ranked caste groups had to provide labour for a fixed number of days per year to the village zamindar or landlord. Although abolished legally, such practices continue informally (NCERT §4.1, p. 45).
• Colonial period: zamindars (often Kshatriya or other high castes) controlled land; the British ruled through them, granted them property rights, and imposed heavy land revenue. Zamindars extracted as much as possible from cultivators; agricultural production stagnated/declined during much of British rule because peasants fled and famines decimated population (NCERT §4.2 Colonial Period, pp. 45–46).
• In areas under direct British rule the raiyatwari system prevailed (raiyat = cultivator in Telugu) — the 'actual cultivators' (often landlords themselves) paid tax directly; with less burden of taxation, cultivators had more incentive to invest, so these areas became relatively more productive and prosperous (NCERT §4.2 Colonial Period, p. 46).
• After Independence Nehru and his policy advisors embarked on a programme of planned development focused on agrarian reform and industrialisation; from the 1950s to the 1970s a series of land reform laws were passed nationally and by states. Three categories of land reform laws were enacted (NCERT §4.2 Independent India, p. 46): 1. Abolition of the zamindari system — the first important legislation, which removed the layer of intermediaries between cultivators and the state; this was probably the most effective land reform, succeeding in most areas in taking away superior rights of zamindars and weakening their economic-political power (NCERT §4.2, pp. 46–47). 2. Tenancy abolition and regulation acts — attempted to outlaw tenancy or regulate rents; in most states never implemented effectively, but West Bengal and Kerala saw radical restructuring of agrarian structure that gave land rights to tenants (NCERT §4.2, p. 47). 3. Land Ceiling Acts — imposed an upper limit on land owned by a family; productive land had a low ceiling, unproductive dry land a higher ceiling. State was supposed to identify surplus and redistribute to landless SCs/STs. In most states these acts proved toothless — many loopholes; some rich farmers actually divorced their wives (but continued to live with them) to keep extra share allowed for unmarried women; such fictitious transfers were called 'benami transfers' (NCERT §4.2, p. 47).
• The Green Revolution (1960s–1970s) was a government programme of agricultural modernisation largely funded by international agencies, providing high-yielding variety (HYV)/hybrid seeds along with pesticides, fertilisers and other inputs to farmers. It was introduced only in areas that had assured irrigation (sufficient water was necessary for new seeds and methods), targeted at wheat and rice — so Punjab, western U.P., coastal Andhra Pradesh, and parts of Tamil Nadu received the first wave (NCERT §4.3, pp. 47–48).
• Productivity rose sharply and India became self-sufficient in foodgrains for the first time in decades; but medium and large farmers were primarily able to benefit because inputs were expensive (NCERT §4.3, p. 48).
• Peasants vs Farmers — when agriculturists produce primarily for themselves and are unable to produce for the market, it is called 'subsistence agriculture' and they are usually termed 'peasants'. Farmers are those who produce surplus for the market — and it was farmers who reaped the most benefits from the Green Revolution and the commercialisation that followed (NCERT §4.3, p. 48).
• In the first phase the introduction of new technology was increasing inequalities in rural society — well-to-do farmers with land, capital, technology and know-how could invest in new seeds/fertilisers; landowners began to take back land from tenants (because cultivation was now profitable) and tenant-cultivators were displaced; the introduction of tillers, tractors, threshers and harvesters (in Punjab and parts of Madhya Pradesh) led to the displacement of service-caste groups and accelerated rural-urban migration (NCERT §4.3, p. 48).
• Ultimate outcome of the Green Revolution was a process of 'differentiation' — the rich grew richer and many of the poor stagnated or grew poorer. Employment and wages for agricultural workers did increase in many areas (demand for labour rose), but rising prices and a shift in mode of payment from kind (grain) to cash actually worsened the economic condition of most rural workers (NCERT §4.3, p. 49).
• Second phase of the Green Revolution in the 1980s spread to dry/semi-arid regions; farmers shifted from dry to wet (irrigated) cultivation, changed cropping patterns and crops grown (e.g., cotton). Increasing commercialisation increased rather than reduced livelihood insecurity — when a single crop is grown a fall in prices or a bad crop can spell financial ruin. Farmers shifted from multi-crop systems (which spread risks) to mono-crop regimes (with nothing to fall back on in case of crop failure) (NCERT §4.3, p. 49).
• Another negative outcome was the worsening of regional inequalities — Punjab, Haryana and western U.P. developed while eastern U.P. and Bihar continued to have an entrenched 'feudal' agrarian structure with caste/class exploitation that has given rise to various kinds of violence including inter-caste violence (Das 1999) (NCERT §4.3, p. 49).
• Box 4.2 (A.R. Vasavi 1994): hybrid/modern agriculture lacks the 'wholeness' of traditional organic/local cultivation. Traditional Indian farmers have very deep knowledge of land and crops; much of this knowledge — like the many traditional varieties of seeds developed over centuries — is being lost as hybrid, HYV and genetically modified varieties are promoted as more 'scientific' (Gupta 1998; Vasavi 1999b) (NCERT Box 4.2, pp. 49–50).
• Four post-Independence transformations in rural society, especially in Green Revolution areas (NCERT §4.4, p. 50): 1. an increase in the use of agricultural labour as cultivation became more intensive; 2. a shift from payment in kind (grain) to cash; 3. a loosening of traditional bonds/hereditary relationships between farmers/landowners and agricultural workers (bonded labour); 4. the rise of a class of 'free' wage labourers.
• Jan Breman (1974) described the change in the nature of the relationship between landlords (usually dominant castes) and agricultural workers (usually low caste) as a shift from 'patronage to exploitation'. Some scholars regard this transformation in labour relations as indicative of a transition to capitalist agriculture — the capitalist mode of production is based on separation of workers from means of production (land) and the use of 'free' wage labour (NCERT §4.4, p. 50).
• For regular agricultural growth, uninterrupted power supply to rural India is a necessity; Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Gram Jyoti Yojana launched in 2014 is a laudable government effort in this direction (NCERT §4.4, p. 51).
• In agriculturally rich regions (coastal Andhra Pradesh, western U.P., central Gujarat), well-to-do dominant-caste farmers invested profits in business ventures and diversified — giving rise to new entrepreneurial groups and new regional elites that became economically and politically dominant (Rutten 1995); spread of higher education (private professional colleges) allowed these rural elites to educate children who joined white-collar occupations, feeding the urban middle classes (NCERT §4.4, pp. 51–52).
• In contrast, eastern U.P. and Bihar saw little change in agrarian structure due to lack of effective land reforms, political mobilisation, and redistributive measures. Kerala underwent a different process — political mobilisation, redistributive measures and linkages to an external economy (primarily Gulf remittances) substantially transformed the countryside; Kerala's rural is a mixed economy integrating agriculture with retail sales/services and remittances (NCERT §4.4, p. 52).
• Circulation of labour (§4.5): as traditional patronage bonds broke down and seasonal demand for labour rose in prosperous regions like Punjab, a pattern of seasonal migration emerged — thousands circulate between home villages and prosperous areas. Migrants come from drought-prone regions, work part of the year on Punjab/Haryana farms, U.P. brick kilns, or construction sites in Delhi/Bangalore (NCERT §4.5, pp. 52–53).
• Jan Breman termed these migrant workers 'footloose labour' but this does not imply freedom — Breman's 1985 study shows landless workers do not have many rights and are usually not paid minimum wage. Wealthy farmers prefer to employ migrants for harvesting because they are more easily exploited; this has produced a peculiar pattern where local landless labourers move out of home villages while migrants are brought in (especially in sugarcane areas) (NCERT §4.5, p. 53).
• Feminisation of agricultural labour force: in poor areas where male family members spend much of the year working outside, cultivation has become primarily a female task; women earn lower wages than men for similar work, their insecurity is greater; until recently they were hardly visible in official statistics; patrilineal kinship and other cultural practices privileging male rights largely exclude women from land ownership (NCERT §4.5, p. 53).
• §4.6 Globalisation, Liberalisation, Rural Society: Liberalisation policy since the late 1980s and WTO membership have exposed Indian farmers to global competition; India's decision to import wheat reversed the earlier policy of self-reliance and brought back memories of dependency on American food grains in the early post-Independence years (NCERT §4.6, p. 53).
• Contract farming: in regions such as Punjab and Karnataka, farmers contract with multinational companies (e.g., PepsiCo for tomatoes and potatoes) — the company identifies crop, provides seeds, inputs, know-how, and often working capital, and assures purchase at a fixed predetermined price. Common in specialised items: cut flowers, grapes, figs, pomegranates, cotton, oilseeds. While giving financial security, it creates greater insecurity due to dependence; diverts land away from food grain production; disengages farmers from production and makes indigenous knowledge irrelevant; caters to elite items; uses heavy fertilisers/pesticides — often not ecologically sustainable (NCERT §4.6, pp. 53–54).
• Box 4.3 — Farmers' suicides: linked to "agrarian distress" — cost of production increased tremendously due to decrease in agricultural subsidies; markets are unstable; farmers borrowed heavily for expensive inputs. According to official statistics there have been 8,900 suicides by farmers between 2001 and 2006 in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Maharashtra (Suri 2006). MNC seed/fertiliser/pesticide agents replaced state extension services, increasing dependence on expensive inputs and creating an ecological crisis (NCERT Box 4.3, p. 55).
• Government schemes mentioned: Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana, Gram Uday se Bharat Uday Abhiyan, National Urban Mission, National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture, Kisan Credit Card — meant to provide unified help to farmers and improve quality of life in rural India (NCERT §4.6, p. 55).

2.2 Definitions to memorise

2.3 Diagrams / processes to remember

• Festival-to-region mapping: Pongal (Tamil Nadu), Bihu (Assam), Baisakhi (Punjab), Ugadi (Karnataka) — all harvest festivals that anchor the cultural significance of land (p. 42).
• Map-style listing of dominant landowning castes by region — Jats/Rajputs (U.P.), Vokkaligas/Lingayats (Karnataka), Kammas/Reddis (Andhra Pradesh), Jat Sikhs (Punjab) (p. 45).
• Three categories of land reform laws after Independence: zamindari abolition → tenancy abolition/regulation → land ceiling acts (NCERT §4.2, pp. 46–47).
• Three-stage outcome of Green Revolution: HYV inputs → productivity boost for medium/large farmers → differentiation, displacement, mono-cropping (NCERT §4.3, pp. 48–49).
• Four post-Independence transformations list (p. 50): increased labour use, payment shift kind→cash, loosening of bonded labour, rise of free wage labourers.
• Box 4.1 — link between assured irrigation, intensive cultivation, and most unequal agrarian structure (Kaveri basin, Tamil Nadu) (p. 45).
• Box 4.2 — Vasavi's hybrid/organic contrast: loss of 'wholeness' and traditional seed varieties (p. 49–50).
• Box 4.3 — chain leading to farmers' suicides: cash crops + liberalisation + high-cost MNC inputs + decline in state extension + debt + crop failure (p. 55).
• Regional contrast triad — Punjab/Haryana/western U.P. (Green Revolution prosperity) vs eastern U.P./Bihar (entrenched feudal structure) vs Kerala (mixed economy + Gulf remittances) (pp. 49, 52).

2.4 Common confusions / NTA trap points

• Peasant vs farmer: Peasants = subsistence (produce for themselves); farmers = surplus for the market. NTA often swaps these.
• Zamindari vs raiyatwari: Zamindari = colonial intermediary collected tax; raiyatwari = cultivator paid tax directly. Telugu raiyat = cultivator.
• Dominant caste ≠ highest caste: Brahmins are often NOT major landowners; dominant castes are usually middle/high-ranked landowning castes (M.N. Srinivas).
• Most effective land reform: zamindari abolition. Ceiling Acts were largely toothless due to benami transfers (including sham divorces).
• First-phase Green Revolution areas: Punjab, western U.P., coastal Andhra Pradesh, parts of Tamil Nadu — NOT eastern U.P. or Bihar. NTA loves planting Bihar as a distractor.
• 'Footloose labour' does NOT mean free: Jan Breman uses it for migrant workers denied minimum wage and rights.
• Patronage to exploitation — Jan Breman 1974, NOT M.N. Srinivas. Don't confuse the two thinkers.
• Payment shift: from kind (grain) to cash — and this worsened the condition of workers due to rising prices, even though wages rose.
• 2011 Census rural %: 69 per cent — distractors include 59% and 79%.
• Farmers' suicide states (Box 4.3): AP, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra — official statistic of 8,900 between 2001 and 2006 (Suri 2006); Punjab is not in this Box 4.3 list.
• Differentiation outcome: Green Revolution increased rural inequality; employment and wages did rise but cash payments + rising prices worsened workers' real condition. NTA may oversimplify the outcome.
• Tenancy radical restructuring happened only in West Bengal and Kerala — not in most other states.

2.5 Thinkers & theories